“全過(guò)程民主”：運作形態(tài)與實(shí)現機制

——《習近平談治國理政》第三卷學(xué)習思考

復旦大學(xué)國際關(guān)系與公共事務(wù)學(xué)院教授、博士生導師 唐亞林

"Whole-process Democracy": Operational Form and Implementation Mechanism

-- Reflection on the Study of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China (Volume III) 

Tang Yalin, professor and doctoral supervisor, School of International Relations & Public Affairs, Fudan University

中共十九大把習近平新時(shí)代中國特色社會(huì )主義思想確立為中國共產(chǎn)黨必須長(cháng)期堅持的指導思想并寫(xiě)入黨章，十三屆全國人大一次會(huì )議把這一重要思想載入憲法，實(shí)現了黨和國家指導思想的與時(shí)俱進(jìn)和重大創(chuàng )新。習近平新時(shí)代中國特色社會(huì )主義思想是新時(shí)代中國共產(chǎn)黨的思想旗幟，是國家政治生活和社會(huì )生活的根本指針，是當代中國馬克思主義、21世紀馬克思主義，為實(shí)現中華民族偉大復興提供了行動(dòng)指南，為推動(dòng)構建人類(lèi)命運共同體貢獻了智慧方案?！读暯秸勚螄碚ǖ谌恚啡珪?shū)圍繞中國共產(chǎn)黨為什么能、馬克思主義為什么行、中國特色社會(huì )主義為什么好三大根本性問(wèn)題，對新時(shí)代中國特色社會(huì )主義的發(fā)展格局、發(fā)展戰略與發(fā)展道路等進(jìn)行了全面深入、系統完備、前瞻長(cháng)遠的論述和部署。其中，以人民民主為發(fā)展形態(tài)的中國式民主，日益展現其“全過(guò)程民主”的實(shí)質(zhì)。

At the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era was established as a guiding ideology that the CPC must adhere to for a long time and written into the CPC Constitution. At the first session of the 13th National People's Congress, this important ideology was incorporated into the Constitution of China. It was a move with the times and a significant innovation in the guiding ideology of the Party and the country. Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the ideological banner of the CPC, the fundamental guideline to China’s political life and social life, and Marxism in contemporary China and the 21st century, which provides guidance for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and a smart solution to promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. Xi Jinping: The Governance of China (Volume III) focuses on three fundamental questions of why the CPC works in China, why the Marxism works in China and why the socialism with Chinese characteristics works in China, expounding systematically on the forward-looking deployment of development pattern, strategy and path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. Among them, the Chinese democracy, with people's democracy as its development form, is increasingly showing its essence of "whole-process democracy".

2019年11月2日下午，習近平到上海市長(cháng)寧區虹橋街道古北市民中心考察調研。在聽(tīng)取社區開(kāi)通社情民意直通車(chē)、服務(wù)基層群眾參與立法工作等情況介紹，并同參加立法意見(jiàn)征詢(xún)的社區居民代表交流時(shí)，習近平強調，“我們走的是一條中國特色社會(huì )主義政治發(fā)展道路，人民民主是一種全過(guò)程的民主，所有的重大立法決策都是依照程序、經(jīng)過(guò)民主醞釀，通過(guò)科學(xué)決策、民主決策產(chǎn)生的。希望你們再接再厲，為發(fā)展中國特色社會(huì )主義民主繼續作貢獻?！?/p>

On the afternoon of November 2, 2019, Xi visited Gubei Civic Center of Hongqiao in Changning District, Shanghai. When he exchanged ideas with the community resident representatives participating in the legislative survey and debriefed on the progress made in Direct Public Opinion and supports for the community-level participation in legislative work, Xi Jinping stressed that "We are marching on a political development road of socialism with Chinese characteristics, our people’s democracy is a whole-process democracy, and all major legislation decisions have been made in accordance with the procedures and through democratic brewing in a scientific and democratic manner. I hope you will make persistent efforts and continue to make contributions to the development of socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics."

在堅持人民民主對公權力進(jìn)行監督制約與有效行使的條件下，思考“全過(guò)程民主”對人民民主形式的豐富、人民民主績(jì)效的提升以及人民民主質(zhì)量的展現等重大理論與實(shí)踐問(wèn)題，進(jìn)一步深化對人民民主的運作形態(tài)與實(shí)現機制的認識，探索人民民主的制度化與績(jì)效化路徑，是發(fā)展社會(huì )主義民主政治、走中國特色社會(huì )主義政治發(fā)展道路的題中之義。

On the basis of checks and oversight over public power by people’s democracy and its effective exercise, it is meaningful to reflect on the important theoretical and practical questions like how the "whole-process democracy" promotes diversified forms, enhances performance and displays the quality of people's democracy, in an attempt to achieve in-depth understanding of operational form and implementation mechanism of people's democracy, and explore ways to institutionalize and measure performance of people's democracy for the development of China’s socialist democracy and socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

當代中國的公權力監督制約與有效行使之路，一方面表現為中國共產(chǎn)黨堅持人民主體地位，通過(guò)科學(xué)決策與民主決策的方式，凝聚廣大人民意志，將最廣大人民的利益作為黨和國家最高政治原則，將人民美好幸福生活作為黨和國家中心任務(wù)的制定基點(diǎn)，充分展現主權在民、執政為民的宗旨；一方面表現為中國共產(chǎn)黨堅持和完善民主集中制，通過(guò)依法治國與依規治黨的方式，積極建立和完善公權力在現實(shí)政治運作中的三大表現形態(tài)——用人權、治事權與財政權——的監督制約制度與機制體系；再一方面，以人民需求為基點(diǎn)，以透明參與為動(dòng)力，以理性共識為指引，以糾偏糾錯為方式，通過(guò)創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的回應式民主、參與式民主、協(xié)商式民主與監督式民主的四大運作形態(tài)與精準識別機制、精致發(fā)展機制、精明推進(jìn)機制、精敏發(fā)現機制四大實(shí)現機制，創(chuàng )造人民依法、主動(dòng)、有效參與國家事務(wù)和社會(huì )事務(wù)管理的制度形態(tài)與機制體系，拓展民主實(shí)現方式，提升民主實(shí)踐績(jì)效，提升民主發(fā)展的質(zhì)量，開(kāi)創(chuàng )中國特色社會(huì )主義民主發(fā)展之路。

Checks and oversight over public power and effective exercise of people’s democracy in contemporary China can be manifested by the following three aspects: on the one hand, the Party maintains the principal status of the people, gathers the willingness of the people by the scientific and democratic decision-making process, places the majority of people's interests as the highest political principle of the Party and the country, and identifies the central tasks of the Party and the country based on making people live a happy life. The endeavors fully demonstrate that the mission of the Party is to reside sovereignty in the people and exercise power for the people. On the other hand, the Party adheres to and improves the democratic centralism, and actively establishes and refines the oversight and check system over the three forms of public power in realpolitik -- personnel power, administrative power and financial power -- through law-based governance of the country and rule-based governance over the Party. Third, the Party, based on people's demand, empowered by transparent participation, guided by rational consensus, and taking means of error correction and deviation rectification, embarks on a road to develop socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics through establishing four operational forms of "whole-process democracy", namely responsive democracy, participatory democracy, consultative democracy and supervisory democracy, and four implementation mechanisms, namely accurate identification, sophisticated development, smart propulsion, and sensible detection, creating institutions and mechanisms that the people proactively and effectively participate in the management of state and social affairs according to law, and expanding ways to implement democracy, promote democracy performance, and improve the quality of democratic development. 

一、回應式民主：以人民需求為基點(diǎn)，創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的精準識別機制

不管居住在地球上的哪一個(gè)角落，人類(lèi)追求美好幸福生活的初心是始終如一的，這是民生的內核所在，也是“最大的人權”。

民主與民生是天然地聯(lián)系在一起的。民主為民生的發(fā)展提供了一種表達多樣化需求與公正分配公共利益的制度框架，而民生為民主的發(fā)展奠定了一種可持續化推進(jìn)的動(dòng)力與人心基礎。因國家與社會(huì )發(fā)展的階段性特征、地區發(fā)展與行業(yè)發(fā)展的差距性特征、人群能力發(fā)展與階層地位的差異性特征等多重因素的相互疊加與彼此催化，導致社會(huì )、地區、人群、代際之間存在明顯的發(fā)展差距，甚至成為社會(huì )貧富分化的根源。

有鑒于此，以回應人民需求為基點(diǎn)，以精準識別機制為核心，通過(guò)建立表達機制、識別機制、整合機制、轉化機制等鏈式機制體系，形成回應式民主運作形態(tài)，是創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的民生需求導向價(jià)值的基礎，也是將人民民主落到實(shí)處的關(guān)鍵。

人民需求既包括滿(mǎn)足人身需求的物質(zhì)性需求，又包括滿(mǎn)足人心需求的精神性需求，還包括基于共同體而生的對家國和世界認知與認同的文化情懷。而且，在物質(zhì)性需求與精神性需求在不斷得到滿(mǎn)足和提升的過(guò)程中，基于地域共同體而生的家國情懷也會(huì )與日俱增，成為一種打上獨特地域特色、共同體文化烙印的標識。

中共十九大報告從中國特色社會(huì )主義進(jìn)入新時(shí)代，中國社會(huì )主要矛盾發(fā)生了新的轉化視角，提出了建立回應式民主運作形態(tài)的新要求，即“人民美好生活需求日益廣泛，不僅對物質(zhì)文化生活提出了更高要求，而且在民主、法治、公平、正義、安全、環(huán)境等方面的要求日益增長(cháng)”。同時(shí)，中共十九大報告還提出了建立回應性民主運作形態(tài)的民生需求基礎，即“必須多謀民生之利、多解民生之憂(yōu)，在發(fā)展中補齊民生短板，促進(jìn)社會(huì )公平正義，在幼有所育、學(xué)有所教、勞有所得、病有所醫、老有所養、住有所居、弱有所扶上不斷取得新進(jìn)展，深入開(kāi)展脫貧攻堅，保證全體人民在共建共享發(fā)展中有很多獲得感，不斷促進(jìn)人的全面發(fā)展、全體人民共同富?！钡男乱笈c新目標。

為此，從回應性民主運作形態(tài)視角看“全過(guò)程民主”的創(chuàng )新機制，一是需要建立傾聽(tīng)群眾呼聲、反映群眾愿望的渠道、平臺與載體，讓群眾的多元化需求得到暢通的表達。當前，各地各部門(mén)在出臺重大法律、重大規劃、重大政策、重大項目等之前，所召開(kāi)的群眾意見(jiàn)聽(tīng)取會(huì )、專(zhuān)家座談會(huì )和所實(shí)行的立法聯(lián)系點(diǎn)制度、網(wǎng)站意見(jiàn)征求征詢(xún)制度等，就是這種回應性民主運作形態(tài)的具體形式。二是需要建立集需求表達、需求識別、需求整合、需求轉化于一體的科學(xué)與民主決策機制，尤其是建立在社會(huì )轉型時(shí)期遭遇各種困難的弱勢群體的需求聽(tīng)取與幫扶機制，將民眾的現階段需求目標與國家和社會(huì )的長(cháng)遠發(fā)展目標有機地對接起來(lái)。其中，最為關(guān)鍵的是建立弱勢困難群體的生產(chǎn)與生活需求調查與評價(jià)制度，將底層群眾的實(shí)際需求納入公共政策制定的范疇。三是需要建立廣覆蓋、普惠型、高績(jì)效的，并與經(jīng)濟社會(huì )發(fā)展水平保持同步提升的公共服務(wù)體系與公共服務(wù)制度框架，以動(dòng)態(tài)性與體系性的獲得感、幸福感和安全感不斷滿(mǎn)足人民群眾日益增長(cháng)的美好生活需要。

I. Responsive democracy: Based on the needs of the people, setting up a precise identification mechanism of "whole-process democracy"

No matter where we live on the earth, our original aspiration for a better and happier life is consistent. This is the core of people's livelihood and the "most important human right".

Democracy and people's livelihood are naturally connected. Democracy provides an institutional framework for the development of people's livelihood by ensuring manifestation of their diversified demands and pushing forward a fair distribution of public interests, while people's livelihood provides a sustainable driving force and lays a popular foundation for the development of democracy. However, national and social development has periodic features, regional and industrial development presents disparities, and population capacity development and class status are characterized by differences. The cross-overlapping and interaction of such various factors lead to obvious development gaps between and among different societies, regions, populations, and generations, and even become root of the gap between rich and poor in society.

In view of this, as one of the democracy operational forms, responsive democracy should be developed based on responding to the people's demand through establishing chain mechanisms of communication, identification, integration, and transformation with precise identification mechanism as the core. This endeavor lays foundation of the value oriented by people’s livelihood demand for the building of “whole-process democracy”, and is the key to implementing people’s democracy.

People's needs include both the material demand and the spiritual demand, as well as the cultural identification based on the community to be recognized by their households, countries and the world. In addition, with their material and spiritual needs being gradually satisfied and improved, their need of identification by their households and countries relying on the regional community will also grow day by day, which is an icon with unique regional characteristics and the brand of community culture.

The report of the 19th National Congress states that “The needs to be met for the people to live better lives are increasingly broad. Not only have their material and cultural needs grown; their demands for democracy, rule of law, fairness and justice, security, and a better environment are increasing.” It puts forward the new requirement to establish the responsive democracy from the perspectives of China entering into a new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics and new transformations of China’s social principal contradictions. At the same time, it also defines the people’s livelihood basis for establishing the responsive democracy, just as the new requirement and new objective it proposes that “We must do more to improve the lives and address the concerns of the people, and use development to strengthen areas of weakness and promote social fairness and justice. We should make steady progress in ensuring people’s access to childcare, education, employment, medical services, elderly care, housing, and social assistance. We will intensify poverty alleviation, see that all our people have a greater sense of fulfillment as they contribute to and gain from development, and continue to promote well-rounded human development and common prosperity for everyone.” 

Therefore, in terms of responsive democracy, the innovative mechanism of "whole-process democracy" should be formed by carrying out the following three aspects of work. Firstly, communication channels, platforms and media should be built for listening to voices of common people and reflecting their wishes, so that their diversified demands can be conveyed smoothly. At present, public opinion hearings and expert symposiums convened before the promulgation of major laws, major plans, major policies and major projects, as well as the system of legislative contact points and the system of soliciting opinions on websites are all the specific forms of responsive democracy. Secondly, an integrated scientific and democratic decision-making mechanism should be set up to facilitate people’s demand being communicated, identified, integrated, and transformed. The mechanism of listening to demand of and assisting vulnerable groups especially should be established in case that they encounter various difficulties during the period of social transformation, which can effectively combine people’s current needs with the long-term development goals of the country and the society. Among them, the most critical task is to establish a survey and evaluation system for the production and living needs of the disadvantaged groups, and bring the actual needs of the people at grass-root level into the scope of public policy making. Thirdly, it is necessary to establish a public service system and institutional framework with broad coverage, inclusive and high performance, and keep pace with the level of economic and social development, so as to constantly meet the people's growing needs for a better life and let them have a dynamic and systematic sense of fulfillment, happiness and security.

二、參與式民主：以透明參與為動(dòng)力，創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的精致發(fā)展機制

現代生活中，公民參與國家政治和社會(huì )生活的方式有多種多樣，但展現的實(shí)質(zhì)都是一樣的，即既體現民主的價(jià)值，又體現民主的權利，還體現民主的性質(zhì)。

“民主是國家形式，是國家形態(tài)的一種。因此，它同任何國家一樣，也是有組織有系統地對人們使用暴力，這是一方面?！痹谶@里，列寧揭示了民主的階級屬性問(wèn)題，提出了人類(lèi)社會(huì )民主制度的多樣性發(fā)展問(wèn)題，指出了存在著(zhù)與資產(chǎn)階級民主相對立并最終將其超越的無(wú)產(chǎn)階級民主的發(fā)展問(wèn)題。作為國家層面的民主，既需要與公民的個(gè)體平等權利緊密相連，將其轉化為一種體現在民眾日常生活實(shí)踐中可以看得見(jiàn)、行使得著(zhù)的民主權利，又需要通過(guò)民主權利在日常生活實(shí)踐中的全過(guò)程與全方位展開(kāi)，將民主的形式、民主的績(jì)效、民主的質(zhì)量與民主的價(jià)值四者有機地統一起來(lái)，進(jìn)而全方位展示民主的性質(zhì)、深度、廣度與可持續度。因此，列寧在強調了民主作為國家形式的一面的同時(shí)，還進(jìn)一步強調了民主作為公民權利的另一面，“但另一方面，民主意味著(zhù)在形式上承認公民一律平等，承認大家都有決定國家制度和管理國家的平等權利?！?/p>

在現代西方資本主義國家，通過(guò)制度設計來(lái)體現參與式民主的權利，主要有兩條路徑：一是競爭性選舉下的公開(kāi)投票，以及國家重大法律與政策的全民公投，二是不同社區形態(tài)里關(guān)于共同體生活的公共參與問(wèn)題，且通常由各種各樣的非政府組織進(jìn)行操盤(pán)和運作。前者表現為國家層面的民主形態(tài)，后者表現為社會(huì )層面的民主形態(tài)。除此之外，就缺少真正以公共利益為導向的更為廣泛與更為精致的公民參與公共政策的制度與機制設計。

更為關(guān)鍵的是，這種國家層面的選舉民主或者公投式參與，基本展現了黨派與資本利益的結合，或者政客為了特定利益而操縱民意的民粹主義式投票狂歡，其結果不僅綁架和偏離了公共利益，而且給國家和社會(huì )的統一與共榮發(fā)展遺埋下了無(wú)窮的沖突與震蕩隱患。前者鮮明地體現在黨派利益超越國家利益的美國總統大選之中，后者鮮明地體現在英國的政客操縱政局、“甩鍋”民眾的“脫歐公投”之上。

中國的參與式民主同樣表現為國家層面與社會(huì )層面兩大民主形態(tài)，但其運行機理卻迥然不同：一是不以多黨競爭的公開(kāi)選舉為皈依，而是以人民代表大會(huì )制度和中國共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導的多黨合作和政治協(xié)商制度兩大制度形態(tài)為依托，以中國共產(chǎn)黨沒(méi)有自己的私利而以中國人民和中華民族利益為最高價(jià)值，通過(guò)民主選舉、民主協(xié)商、民主決策、民主管理、民主監督五大民主運作形式，體現依法有序、多層次多領(lǐng)域多渠道對話(huà)協(xié)商、決策執行監督一體化、多方合力推進(jìn)的特點(diǎn)。

二是不以形式參與共同體生活為追求，而是以透明參與為動(dòng)力，以真正體現公民的知情權、參與權、表達權、監督權四大權利為核心，通過(guò)以村民自治與居民自治為核心的城鄉社區基層群眾自治制度，以職工代表大會(huì )為基本形式的企事業(yè)民主管理制度，以各類(lèi)重大法律、重大規劃、重大決策、重大項目為主的立法聯(lián)系點(diǎn)制度、（網(wǎng)絡(luò )）意見(jiàn)征求征詢(xún)會(huì )、專(zhuān)家座談會(huì )、聽(tīng)證會(huì )、懇談會(huì )、評議會(huì )、議事會(huì )等會(huì )議制度三大基層直接民主形態(tài)，廣泛實(shí)行群眾自我管理、自我服務(wù)、自我教育、自我監督，創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的精致發(fā)展機制，進(jìn)而把國家層面的民主形態(tài)和社會(huì )層面的民主形態(tài)有機結合，將民主轉化為一種日常生活方式，產(chǎn)生看得見(jiàn)、摸得著(zhù)，常參與、見(jiàn)實(shí)效，廣覆蓋、機制化的治理績(jì)效。

當然，我們也要看到，雖然中國以透明參與為動(dòng)力，在國家層面和社會(huì )層面均建立了在中國共產(chǎn)黨全面領(lǐng)導制度這一根本制度下，以?xún)纱笾贫刃螒B(tài)、三大基層直接民主形態(tài)、四大權利、五大民主運行形式為核心的推進(jìn)“全過(guò)程民主”的精致發(fā)展機制，但廣大人民對于民主作為意見(jiàn)表達的參與權利、作為精神生活的可欲價(jià)值、作為生命質(zhì)量的生活方式、作為展現人的自由發(fā)展程度的管理形態(tài)這四者的有機統一和全面落實(shí)，仍有巨大的期盼和很大的改進(jìn)空間。

II. Participatory democracy: To create a sophisticated development mechanism of "whole-process democracy" driven by transparent participation

In modern life, there are various ways for citizens to participate in national politics and social life, but there is no difference in the essence, both reflect the value, the rights, and the nature of democracy.

"Democracy is a form of the state, one of its varieties. Consequently, like every state, it represents on the one hand, the organized, systematic use of force against persons;" Here, Lenin reveals the class attribute of democracy, puts forward the diversified development of democracy in human society, and points out the possible development of proletarian democracy, opposite to bourgeois democracy, will finally surpass it. At the national level, it is necessary to link democracy closely with individual right of equality of the citizen, and turn it into a kind of democratic right that common people can learn and exercise in their daily life. In addition, it is necessary to systematically integrate the form, performance, quality and value of democracy for further showcasing its nature, depth, breadth and sustainability in an all-around way by implementing democratic rights comprehensively in daily practice throughout the whole process. Therefore, while emphasizing one side of democracy as a form of the state, Lenin further emphasized the other side of democracy as civil rights, saying that "but, on the other hand, it signifies the formal recognition of equality of citizens, the equal right of all to determine the structure of, and to administer, the state."

Modern western capitalist countries show the right of participatory democracy by means of system design. There are mainly two paths: one is public vote in competitive elections, as well as referendum on major national laws and policies; the other one is operation of various NGOs on issues usually involving public participation in community life in different forms of community. The former presents democratic forms at the national level, while the latter at the social level. However, the only omission is a broader and more sophisticated system design of citizen participating in public-interests oriented policy.

More crucially, either the electoral democracy or referendum at national level is essentially a manifestation of interests combination of political parties and capital, or a populism ballot carnival held by politicians to manipulate public opinion for their specific interests. As a result, it is a deviation from the public interest and has the public interest kidnapped, moreover, the prosperity and unity of the state and the society have been facing the potential risk of endless conflicts and shocks. The former is clearly reflected in the US presidential election in which party interests supersede national interests, while the latter is clearly reflected in the political manipulation of British politicians who held "Brexit referendum" and tried to dodge their obligations to the British people.

Although participatory democracy in China is also manifested as two forms of democracy at both the national level and the social level, its operating mechanism is quite different. Firstly, it does not rely on open elections based on the multiparty competition, but depends upon two major institutional forms, i.e. the people's congress system and the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC. The Communist Party of China does not pursue its own self-interest and the supreme value resides in the Chinese people and the Chinese national interests. Participatory democracy in China has been operated in an orderly manner and in accordance with law, with dialogue and consultation being carried out in multi levels, multi dimensions, and multi areas, implementation and supervision of decision-making being integrated, and synergies being formed to push forward work through five operational forms of democracy: democratic elections, consultation, decision-making, management and oversight.

Secondly, China’s participatory democracy is not prone to a ritual participation in community life, but aims to promote the community to carry out self-governance, self-service, self-education, and self-oversight in a wide scale, and develop the sophisticated development mechanism of “whole-process democracy”, then further makes combination of democratic forms in both national level and social level and transforms democracy into a way of daily life, resulting in tangible governance performance that could be seen, bewared, participated, effective, widely involved and institutionalized. This participatory democracy is empowered by transparent participation and defines the true manifestation of citizens' rights to be informed, to participate, to be heard, and to oversee as its core. The way to achieve the goal is to adopt the three direct primary-level democratic forms, including the urban and rural community-level self-governance system centering around self-management of villagers and residents, enterprise democratic management system with workers congress as its basic form, and meeting system like legislative contact point, (online) opinion solicitations, expert symposiums, hearings, talkfests, appraisal meetings and councils focusing on various major laws, plannings, decisions, and projects.

Of course, we should also understand that, although the sophisticated development mechanism of “whole-process democracy” has been promoted at both national level and social level with the empowerment of transparent participation and support of a series of core systems under the fundamental system of overall leadership of the Communist Party of China, including two major institutional forms, three direct primary-level democratic forms, four major rights and five operational forms of democracy, there is still ample room for improvement in terms of the integration and comprehensive implementation of the following four aspects that people expect greatly on democracy: a manifestation of opinion for the right to participate, a deserved pursue of spiritual life, a way of life representing life quality, and a management pattern to show the degree of people’s free development.

三、協(xié)商式民主：以理性共識為指引，創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的精明推進(jìn)機制

現實(shí)政治過(guò)程是一個(gè)既充分容忍多元分歧，又充分整合多方意志的意見(jiàn)表達與共識生成過(guò)程，而意見(jiàn)表達與共識生成過(guò)程，往往是通過(guò)體系化的公共政策來(lái)加以體現的。體系化的公共政策的達成，主要通過(guò)代議制的方式予以實(shí)現，即由人民選舉自己的代表組成代議機關(guān)，代議機關(guān)通過(guò)談判、協(xié)商、妥協(xié)、交換等方式，將不同地區、不同黨派、不同階層、不同群體的利益整合進(jìn)體系化的公共政策“大盤(pán)子”之中，然后通過(guò)行政機關(guān)的有效執行，將其轉化為滿(mǎn)足人民需求的各類(lèi)公共產(chǎn)品和公共服務(wù)。

當代中國的現實(shí)政治過(guò)程，總體上受到中國共產(chǎn)黨全面領(lǐng)導制度框架下統一規劃、決策、執行、監督與評估的規約，并在實(shí)際運作過(guò)程中通過(guò)以政黨協(xié)商為主導形式的協(xié)商式民主運作形態(tài)，可以最大程度地實(shí)現以理性共識為指引，廣泛凝聚各政黨、各團體、各群體、各階層的意志，找到最大公約數，畫(huà)出最大同心圓，進(jìn)而形成“全過(guò)程民主”的精明推進(jìn)機制之目標。

對于協(xié)商式民主的地位、范疇及其內涵、制度安排、組織形式、運作方式等，中共十九大報告做了全新的戰略定位：“協(xié)商民主是實(shí)現黨的領(lǐng)導的重要方式，是我國社會(huì )主義民主政治的特有形式和獨特優(yōu)勢。要推動(dòng)協(xié)商民主廣泛、多層、制度化發(fā)展，統籌推進(jìn)政黨協(xié)商、人大協(xié)商、政府協(xié)商、政協(xié)協(xié)商、人民團體協(xié)商、基層協(xié)商以及社會(huì )組織協(xié)商。加強協(xié)商民主制度建設，形成完整的制度程序和參與實(shí)踐，保證人民在日常生活中有廣泛持續深入參與的權利?！薄叭嗣裾f(xié)是具有中國特色的制度安排，是社會(huì )主義協(xié)商民主的重要渠道和專(zhuān)門(mén)協(xié)商機構。人民政協(xié)工作要聚焦黨和國家中心任務(wù)，圍繞團結和民主兩大主題，把協(xié)商民主貫穿政治協(xié)商、民主監督、參政議政全過(guò)程，完善協(xié)商議政內容和形式，著(zhù)力增進(jìn)共識、促進(jìn)團結?！比嗣裾f(xié)作為當代中國新型政黨制度的制度化安排與協(xié)商民主的組織化機構，其所發(fā)揮的作用已經(jīng)成為充分展現“全過(guò)程民主”精明推進(jìn)機制成效的典范。

首先，充分發(fā)揮了作為政治組織的吸納、溝通與整合作用。人民政協(xié)作為政治生活中的重要組織，不僅可以最大程度地吸納來(lái)自不同黨派、不同階層、不同地區、不同專(zhuān)業(yè)領(lǐng)域、不同界別、不同族群的優(yōu)秀人士參與到參政議政的全過(guò)程之中，而且可以通過(guò)他們的訴求表達、交流探討和磋商會(huì )談等方式，在各個(gè)關(guān)心的重大議題之上暢所欲言、包容分歧、達成共識，最后找到最大公約數。也就是說(shuō)，更多更好的吸納是為了更好的團結，更多更好的團結是為了更好的共識，而團結和共識是為了更好的政策出臺以及有效的執行隨后，進(jìn)而形成一種強大的協(xié)商式民主文化心理基礎。

其次，充分發(fā)揮了作為正式組織參與公共生活的莊重、友好與合力作用。之所以“政治生活中的組織因素才是至關(guān)重要的”，是因為“正式組織成為現代經(jīng)濟體系與政治體系活動(dòng)中的主要角色，法律制度和官僚制度在當代生活中也占據了主導地位”這一基本現實(shí)。以政黨協(xié)商、政協(xié)協(xié)商、人民團體協(xié)商為核心的正式組織協(xié)商活動(dòng)，可以最大程度地讓參與組織之人，通過(guò)嚴密的程序、莊重的儀式和友好的商談等方式，充分感受到作為國家主人的神圣感和使命感，將個(gè)體的非理性情緒因素與非公共利益訴求摒棄一旁，以公共利益和國家利益為最高價(jià)值，全過(guò)程參與民主發(fā)展進(jìn)程，并形成“上下齊心、同心同德、合作發(fā)展”的協(xié)商式民主發(fā)展新格局。

最后，充分提供了作為正式組織有效運作所需的資源保障條件。正式組織的有效運作，不僅需要有明確的組織目標、合理的人員機構職能設置，而且需要有充足的場(chǎng)所、陣地和資源。對于一些事關(guān)國計民生的重大議題，還需要深入到第一線(xiàn)，做充分的調查研究，才能形成符合事物性質(zhì)和作出有前瞻指導意義的重大戰略與決策。通過(guò)正式組織間協(xié)商，尤其是有重大議題可以協(xié)商，有正式陣地和嚴密程序可以協(xié)商，有尊嚴有良好保障條件可以協(xié)商的情況下，無(wú)論是正式組織還是參與組織之人，既可以將分散的意志與需求充分表達和整合，又可通過(guò)深入長(cháng)時(shí)期的調研，提出具有重大價(jià)值的戰略與策略，由此獲得一種對協(xié)商式民主的高度認同與由衷運用。

此外，當代中國的協(xié)商式民主運作形態(tài)是多種多樣的，除了找到最大公約數、畫(huà)出最大同心圓的政黨協(xié)商、政協(xié)協(xié)商、人民團體協(xié)商等外，還有諸如國家和地方層面以法律和政策為核心的人大協(xié)商、政府協(xié)商等形式，以及地方和社會(huì )層面的基層協(xié)商、社會(huì )組織協(xié)商、社區協(xié)商等形式，其共通之處都在于通過(guò)理性共識的引領(lǐng)，達到整合各方面意志、形成發(fā)展合力之目的。

III. Consultative democracy: Guided by rational consensus, creating a smart propulsion mechanism of "whole-process democracy"

The realpolitik usually goes through a process of opinion expression and consensus generation, which not only fully tolerates multiple differences, but also fully integrates the willingness of various parties, and the process of opinion expression and consensus generation is often reflected through institutionalized public policies. Institutionalization of public policy, mainly realized by means of representative system, that is, people vote to elect their own representatives for the establishment of representative organs that integrate interests of different regions, parties, classes, and groups into a “big plate” of institutionalized public policy through negotiation, consultation, compromise, and exchange, and then it is converted to various public products and public services meeting the needs of the people through the effective implementation of the administrative organs.

On the whole, the realpolitik process in contemporary China is stipulated within the framework of the system of overall leadership of the Communist Party of China for unified planning, decision-making, implementation, oversight and evaluation, and in actual operation it is dominated by consultative democracy through political consultation, in an effort to unite willingness of political parties, organizations, groups, and all walks of life to the most extent with the guidance of rational consensus, expand common ground and the convergence of interests, and further develop the smart propulsion mechanism of “whole-process democracy”.

The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China made a new strategic positioning on the status, scope, connotation, institutional arrangement, organizational and operational form of the consultative democracy: "Consultative democracy is an important way of effecting Party leadership and a model and strength unique to China’s socialist democracy. We will advance extensive, multilevel, and institutionalized development of consultative democracy, and adopt a coordinated approach to promoting consultations carried out by political parties, people’s congresses, government departments, CPPCC committees, people’s organizations, communities, and social organizations. We will strengthen the institutions of consultative democracy and develop complete procedures and practices to enable the people’s broad, continuous, and intensive participation in day-to-day political activities." "The CPPCC, as a distinctively Chinese political institution, is a major channel for socialist consultative democracy, and its committees are specialist consultative bodies. The CPPCC committees should focus on the Party and the country’s key tasks. With the themes of unity and democracy in mind, they should exercise consultative democracy throughout the whole process of political consultation, democratic oversight, and participation in the deliberation and administration of state affairs; and they should improve the content and forms of consultation and deliberation to build consensus and promote unity." As an institutional arrangement of the new political party system and an organizational body of consultative democracy in contemporary China, CPPCC has played a role in setting an example of fully demonstrating the effectiveness of the smart propulsion mechanism of "whole-process democracy".

First of all, it gives full play to the role of absorption, communication and integration of a political organization. CPPCC, as an important organization in political life, not only can absorb talents to the greatest extent from different parties, classes, regions, professions, sectors, and ethnic groups for their participation in the whole process of deliberation and administration of state affairs, but also may deliberate on all major issues on the basis of their voice to carry out free and inclusive discussions and consultations, endeavor for consensus, and finally find the common ground. In other words, more and better absorption is for better unity, more and better unity is for better consensus, and unity and consensus is for better policy introduction and effective implementation, thus laying a strong psychological and cultural foundation of consultative democracy.

Secondly, it gives full play to the solemn, friendly and synergistic role of a formal organization participating in public life. The argument of "organizational factors in political life are crucial" is based on the basic reality that "formal organization has become a main part in the activities of modern economic and political system, and the legal system and bureaucracy also occupy the dominant position in contemporary life". Formal organizational consultations, which have been essentially promoted by consultations carried out by political parties, CPPCC committees, and people’s organizations, help participants fully enjoy the sacredness and sense of calling as masters of the country by rigorous procedures, solemn ceremonies and friendly discussions. In this case, participants usually place individual irrational emotional factors aside, abandon their pursuit of non-public interests, but regard interests of the public and the country as the supreme value, and participate in the democratic development throughout the whole process. In this way, the new pattern of consultative democracy development has been come into being, featuring common willingness, cooperation and development.

Finally, it provides sufficient resources to ensure the effective operation of formal organizations that requires not only clear organizational objectives and reasonable personnel and institutional functions, but also adequate space, positions and resources. For some of the major issues concerning the national economy and people's livelihood, organizations need to make adequate field investigations for developing major strategies and decisions that are in line with the nature of the matter and that have a forward-looking and guiding significance. Through negotiations, formal organizations or their participants can fully convey and integrate individual willingness and demand, as well as propose significant strategies on the basis of long-period in-depth investigation, especially when they deliberate on major issues, have formal positions, follow rigorous procedures, and have been well assured with dignity. Thus the consultative democracy has been highly acknowledged and voluntarily applied.

Moreover, operational form of the consultative democracy is varied in contemporary China. In addition to the above-mentioned consultations carried out by political parties, CPPCC committees, and people’s organizations to expand the common ground and the convergence of interests, there are other forms such as some carried out for major laws and policies by people’s congress and government departments at national and local level, and others by communities and social organizations at local and social level. All of them share a common objective to integrate willingness of all walks of life and forge a synergy for development, which is guided by the rational consensus. 

四、監督式民主：以糾錯糾偏為方式，創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的精敏發(fā)現機制

現代民主制度之所以被廣泛推崇，最主要的原因在于通過(guò)對公權力的有效制約監督，可以最大限度地防止公權力的自身腐敗和對人身自由的傷害，并通過(guò)公權力的積極有效行使，可以最大程度地促進(jìn)國家和社會(huì )的繁榮與發(fā)展，其內在運行機理就在于現代民主制度內蘊著(zhù)一種系統化的糾錯糾偏機制。

在西式民主框架下，所謂公權力的糾錯糾偏機制，主要靠議會(huì )制度、三權分立與制衡制度、司法獨立制度、政黨輪替制度、公開(kāi)選舉制度以及主要官員財產(chǎn)申報與公開(kāi)制度、新聞媒體監督制度等核心制度設計來(lái)體現，并將每四年或五年一次的全國性選舉作為民意監督議會(huì )和政府（總統）的輪換“風(fēng)向標”。

雖然這套針對公權力的糾錯糾偏機制看上去很系統也很?chē)烂?，但其能否真正發(fā)揮對“深層國家（Deep State）”或“影子政府（Shadow Government）”的監督作用，是大可疑義的，其根本原因在于經(jīng)過(guò)長(cháng)期隱蔽的資助捐助、教育培養和游說(shuō)交換等方式方法，能夠成為各級公權力掌控者的精英群體幾乎被各類(lèi)資本與利益集團（財團）綁架與操縱，并通過(guò)競爭性政黨的意識形態(tài)化政策體系，獲得特定群體的選舉基本盤(pán)支持，進(jìn)而建構起了非想象中的公權力糾錯糾偏機制，而是利益分贓與對抗均衡機制，其結果是事關(guān)公共利益和國家利益的整體性長(cháng)遠性持續性國家戰略天然闕失，任何上臺的政黨或政府只是在碎片化政策領(lǐng)域內打轉。所謂公權力的糾錯糾偏機制，不僅要在不得不忍受四年或五年的選舉周期后才能啟動(dòng)，而且即使啟動(dòng)了，也只不過(guò)是在局部領(lǐng)域內進(jìn)行改良，恰恰看不到公意、人民與公共利益的位置與作用，更看不到一個(gè)有使命感和責任心的政黨與執政集團真正以人民利益為皈依的橫空出世。

中國共產(chǎn)黨作為馬克思主義使命型政黨，一是沒(méi)有自己的私利，只是將其致力于實(shí)現人類(lèi)最終解放的長(cháng)遠目標貫穿于中國實(shí)現獨立自主、富強繁榮的社會(huì )主義現代化建設目標的全過(guò)程，即將政黨的發(fā)展目標與國家和社會(huì )的發(fā)展目標有機地統一起來(lái)；二是作為中國工人階級的先鋒隊、中國人民和中華民族的先鋒隊，始終保持馬克思主義政黨的先進(jìn)性純潔性，通過(guò)先進(jìn)組織的引領(lǐng)和先進(jìn)黨員的帶動(dòng)，為國家和社會(huì )的發(fā)展樹(shù)立“主心骨”；三是遵循人類(lèi)社會(huì )對公權力制約監督的內在要求，通過(guò)自我反省、比較借鑒和累積性創(chuàng )造，逐步建構起了與中國共產(chǎn)黨長(cháng)期執政相適應的監督式民主運作形態(tài)，其基本內容包括制度化安排、內省化提升、動(dòng)態(tài)化調整與最高層救濟力四大方面。

所謂制度化安排，是指中國共產(chǎn)黨通過(guò)構建黨統一領(lǐng)導、全面覆蓋、權威高效，體現黨紀和國法相統一的黨和國家監督體系，強化對公權力運行的制約監督，形成中國式民主框架下對公權力的糾錯糾偏機制。所謂內省化提升，是指中國共產(chǎn)黨通過(guò)思想道德和黨紀國法教育，全面加強紀律建設，用嚴明的紀律管全黨治全黨，并用自我革命的精神，要求全黨“堅持理想信念，加強黨性修養，從嚴管黨治黨，嚴肅黨內政治生活，堅持經(jīng)常性教育和集中教育相結合，勇于開(kāi)展批評和自我批評，加強黨內監督，接受人民監督，不斷純潔黨的思想、純潔黨的組織、純潔黨的作風(fēng)、純潔黨的肌體”，讓黨員、干部知敬畏、存戒懼、守底線(xiàn)，習慣在受監督和約束的環(huán)境下工作生活。所謂動(dòng)態(tài)化調整，是指中國共產(chǎn)黨根據公權力在現實(shí)生活中的運行特點(diǎn)、黨和國家在一段時(shí)期內的中心工作以及人民群眾反映強烈的問(wèn)題等實(shí)際情況，綜合運用標本兼治、高壓反腐與防微杜漸相結合、政治巡視與專(zhuān)項巡視相呼應、巡視巡察與監督監察相聯(lián)動(dòng)、自我監督和群眾監督相配合等方式，形成把權力關(guān)進(jìn)制度的籠子的精敏發(fā)現與有效運行機制體系。所謂最高層救濟力，是指以黨中央為堅強領(lǐng)導集體的中國共產(chǎn)黨，擁有一支具有高度職業(yè)性、高度革命性、高度組織性、高度自覺(jué)性、高度紀律性、高度純潔性、高度責任性、高度權威性、高度團結性、高度穩定性的馬克思主義政治家集團這一領(lǐng)導力量，在復雜的國際國內斗爭中，始終堅持集體領(lǐng)導與分工負責制和民主集中制，不僅具備駕馭各種復雜局勢、做出重大前瞻戰略、引領(lǐng)改革治理發(fā)展、保持大局穩定的高超能力，而且始終能夠審時(shí)度勢，不斷強化自我學(xué)習、自我對標、自我凈化、自我革命的能力，充分運用“自上而下的組織監督和政治巡視”這種基于中國共產(chǎn)黨長(cháng)期執政實(shí)踐而生的戰略性制度形式和自我更新動(dòng)力機制，發(fā)揮黨中央對全黨全國全社會(huì )中心工作的領(lǐng)導作用，發(fā)揮黨中央這個(gè)“中樞”對可能出現的問(wèn)題、已經(jīng)發(fā)生的問(wèn)題進(jìn)行預判指導、糾正救濟、處置完善等作用，形成全體人民高度信任和擁護中國共產(chǎn)黨、中國共產(chǎn)黨高度信任和依賴(lài)全體人民，集硬實(shí)力、軟實(shí)力與信心力于一體的人心政治新形態(tài)。

IV. Supervisory democracy: To create a sensible detection mechanism of "whole-process democracy" by means of error correction and deviation rectification

The popularity of modern democracy is mostly attributed to its effective checks and oversight over public power, which prevents personal freedom from being harmed by the corruption of public power to the greatest extend. In addition, with proactive and effective exercise of public power, prosperity and development of the country and the society can be achieved to the largest extent. The internal operational mechanism lies in a systematic error correction and deviation rectification inherent in modern democracy.

Under the framework of western democracy, the so-called error correction and deviation rectification mechanism of public power depends mainly on design of a series of core system including parliamentary system, separation of powers through checks and balances, independence of judicature, political party turnover, public election, property declaration and publication by principal officials, and news media supervision. National elections held every four or five years have been boasted as “signals” of parliamentary and government (presidential) turnovers being supervised by the public. 

Although the above-mentioned mechanism looks systematic and logical, it is doubtful whether it can truly oversee "Deep States" or "Shadow Governments". The root lies in that after long terms of hidden support and donation, education and cultivation, lobby and transaction, almost all elite groups possibly in charge of public power have been manipulated and kidnapped by various types of capital and interest group (consortium) that will further gain support from specific groups in elections through ideological policies upheld by relative competitive political parties. Therefore, the public power error correction and deviation rectification mechanism evolved is far from the original system design, but becomes a mechanism of benefit sharing and confrontation balancing, resulting in a natural failure of overall long-term and sustainable national strategies that related to public and national interests. Meanwhile, any political party or government in power gets only stuck in fragmented policies. The so-called error correction and deviation rectification mechanism of public power will have to be relaunched four or five years later when another election cycle starts, and even it is relaunched, there is just part modification and improvement, and nothing to do with public willingness, the people, and public interest, let alone the birth of any responsible political party and ruling group that has the sense of calling and truly endeavors to serve the interests of people. 

The Communist Party of China is a Marxist mission-oriented political party. First, it does not work for its own interests, but just integrates its commitment to the long-term goal of the ultimate liberation of mankind into the whole process of its socialist modernization construction targeting for China’s independence and prosperity, that is, integrates development goals of the Party with those of the country and the society. Second, as the vanguard of the Chinese working class, the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, it has always maintained the advanced nature and purity of the Marxist political party and, through the guidance of advanced organizations and the driving force of advanced Party members, setting up the "backbone" for the development of the country and society. Third, it follows the inherent requirement of human society in checks and oversight over public power to gradually develop operational forms of the supervisory democracy adaptive to CPC's long-term ruling by self-reflection, comparative reference, and cumulative innovations. The basic content of operational forms of the supervisory democracy includes institutional arrangement, introspective improvement, dynamic adjustment, and relief capability of the highest level.

The so-called institutionalized arrangement means that by establishing an authoritative, efficient oversight system with complete coverage under the Party's unified command, which embodies the unity of Party discipline and state laws, the CPC strengthens the checks on and oversight over the exercise of public power, and forms a mechanism for correcting errors and rectifying deviations of public power under the framework of Chinese democracy. Introspective improvement means that the Communist Party of China strengthens discipline through ideological and moral education, imposes strict management and discipline on the whole Party, and puts forward clear requirements with the courage of self-reform that the whole Party should "hold dear the Party’s ideals and convictions, strengthen self-education as a Party member, exercise strict self-management and self-governance, ensure that intraparty political activities are carried out in earnest, insist on combining regular education with intensive education, have the courage to carry out criticism and self-criticism, strengthen internal oversight, accept public oversight, and keep purifying the Party's thinking, organization, conduct, and body", and demands that Party members and officials hold discipline in awe and respect, do not cross the line, and become used to working and living under oversight and constraints. The so-called dynamic adjustment means that the Chinese Communist Party has developed a sensible and effective mechanism to ensure power being exercised in an institutional cage according to the operating characteristics of public power in the real world and in combination of actual situation in periodic key tasks of the Party and the country and issues the people are strongly concerned about. For this purpose, comprehensive ways have been taken to push forward the development such as by a combination of addressing both the symptoms and root causes of corruption, adopting a high-pressure posture in anti-corruption, and correcting problems while they are nascent; carrying out political inspection and special inspection in a complementary way; conducting coordinated disciplinary inspections and supervision; and implementing self-governance and public oversight in a cooperative manner. The so-called relief capability of the highest level refers to a new political model integrating hard power, soft power, and confidence, which has been developed on the basis of mutual trust between the Chinese people and the Chinese Communist Party. The Party is under the strong collectively leadership of the Party Central Committee, possesses a leading group of Marxist politicians with professionalism, revolutionary tempering, organization, self-consciousness, discipline, purity, accountability, authority, unity and stability at a high level. It upholds the collective leadership and division of responsibility system and democratic centralism in the fluctuation of complicated domestic and foreign struggles, which is able to not only manage all kinds of complex situation, make significant forward-looking strategy, lead the trend of reform and governance, and maintain the national security, but also size up the trend of events and enhance capability to self-learn, self-benchmark, and purify and reform itself. The Party also makes full use of the strategic system and self-renewal dynamic mechanism of top-down organizational supervision and political inspection which has been developed from the Party’s long-term ruling practice, plays the leading part of the Party Central Committee for the key tasks of the whole Party, the whole country, and the whole society, and also gives the play of the Party Central Committee to predict, guide, rectify, relieve and handle problems that lie potential and have occurred, thus making according improvements.  

結語(yǔ)：用全過(guò)程民主來(lái)保障和提升人民民主的性質(zhì)與質(zhì)量

中國式民主的本質(zhì)，就是中國共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導的人民民主發(fā)展形態(tài)，其基本內涵可以用“一二三四五”來(lái)加以提煉：一是指中國共產(chǎn)黨全面領(lǐng)導制度；二是指國家層面人民代表大會(huì )制度和中國共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導的多黨合作和政治協(xié)商制度兩大制度形態(tài)；三是指以村民自治與居民自治為核心的城鄉社區基層群眾自治制度，以職工代表大會(huì )為基本形式的企事業(yè)民主管理制度，以重大法律、重大規劃、重大決策、重大項目為主的征求聽(tīng)證、議事評議、等會(huì )議制度三大基層直接民主形態(tài)；四是指公民所擁有的知情權、參與權、表達權、監督權四大權利；五是指民主選舉、民主協(xié)商、民主決策、民主管理、民主監督五大民主運作形式。

人民民主發(fā)展形態(tài)的基本內涵，既包括人民民主的制度框架，又包括人民民主的運行機制，其核心是中國共產(chǎn)黨的領(lǐng)導。為充分展現中國式民主的運行質(zhì)量和發(fā)展性質(zhì)，在人民民主“一二三四五”制度框架與運行機制的基礎上，還需要緊扣著(zhù)公權力的監督制約與有效行使這根主線(xiàn)，進(jìn)一步通過(guò)創(chuàng )建“全過(guò)程民主”的運作形態(tài)與實(shí)現機制，首先是深化對人民民主的制度框架與運行機制的認識，形成多層次寬領(lǐng)域全過(guò)程的發(fā)展樣態(tài)與實(shí)踐模式；其次是豐富人民民主的實(shí)現方式，體現人民民主的參與感獲得感，全面提升人民民主的運行質(zhì)量；最后是創(chuàng )造出比西式民主更為多樣更為有效更為靈敏的人民民主新型發(fā)展之路，確保人民民主的性質(zhì)始終是建立在中國共產(chǎn)黨的領(lǐng)導和引領(lǐng)之上，始終是建立在人民本位觀(guān)的基礎和價(jià)值之上，始終是建立在實(shí)現人類(lèi)偉大解放的目標和任務(wù)之上。

Conclusion: To ensure the nature and enhance the quality of people's democracy with whole-process democracy 

The essence of Chinese democracy is the development form of people's democracy under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Its basic connotation can be summed up in five aspects: first, it refers to the system of overall Party leadership; second, it refers to the two major institutional forms at national level, i.e. the people's congress system and the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the CPC; third, it refers to the three direct primary-level democratic forms including the urban and rural community-level self-governance system centering around self-management of villagers and residents, enterprise democratic management system with workers congress as its basic form, and meeting system of consultations, hearings, councils and appraisal meetings focusing on various major laws, major plannings, major decisions, and major projects; forth, it refers to four major citizens' rights to be informed, to participate, to be heard, and to oversee; fifth, it refers to the five operational forms of democracy, i.e. democratic elections, democratic consultation, democratic decision-making, democratic management and democratic oversight.

The basic connotation of the development form of people's democracy includes not only the institutional framework of people's democracy, but also the operating mechanism of people's democracy. Its core lies in the leadership of the Communist Party of China. To fully demonstrate the quality of Chinese democracy and the nature of its development, checks and oversight over public power and the effective exercise of it should also be attached to great importance in addition to the above-mentioned five institutional framework and operation mechanism. Furthermore, operational forms and implementation mechanism of the “whole-process democracy” should be created by the following three steps. First, to deepen understanding of the institutional framework and operation mechanism of the people's democracy to forge a multilevel and wide-range development pattern and practice model in the whole process. Second, to diversify forms of people's democracy and manifest the sense of participation and fulfillment it brings for the people to comprehensively improve the quality of people's democracy. Finally, to develop a new pattern of people's democracy that is more diversified, more effective and more sensitive than that of the western democracy to ensure that the nature of the people's democracy is always based on the leadership of the Communist Party of China, has always been built on the basis of people-centered philosophy and will always be built on the basis of the goal and task of achieving the great liberation of mankind.